Sunday, May 31, 2015
Saturday, May 30, 2015
Thursday, May 28, 2015
Special request--pl vote for this web/bookdesigner that I have used to my satisfaction--
Special request--Blue Harvest which made my website and formatted my books Black Rice and Wolf, is applying for a 100K grant from Chase--pl vote here http://www.blueharvestcreative.com/
using your FaceBook
On my part, I am very happy with them.
KMKaung
5-28-2015
if you liked my work and the way it is formatted.
using your FaceBook
On my part, I am very happy with them.
KMKaung
5-28-2015
Wednesday, May 27, 2015
Excerpt from my short story Les Biz--by Kyi May Kaung
But in this dream it had metamorphosed into a show called Les Biz, about business opportunities in the new me and martian nation. They had actually managed to draw in the famous actor who was in Les Miz, the one who played Inspector Javert.
Khine was very pleased with this. She was looking forward to the street-side open audition.
At this time the actor was already about 72. Khine looked down from her 36th floor apartment on 5th Avenue, and saw him singing on the pavement. She could not hear him very well, but she could see his long curly white hair, which reached to about his shoulders. He was wearing a rust colored suit, and even from so high up, she could tell he was very tall, about 7 feet.
But he did not stand straight, more like an arc or a backwards "C."
She was disappointed that he did not sing the whole aria, but only sung a fragment.
Then he went into the building.
The tractor trailer he came in was about 15 feet wide,
Its front opened down and 2 white poodles, slightly past their prime, came out. Then a whole lot of overstuffed pillows covered in different colored satins spilled out onto the sidewalk too.
*
In this scene Khine had apparently relinked up with the man who was the model for Carl Carpetbagger in Kaung's play Shaman.
She was all ready for the formal reception, except she could not decide between the jacket in a darker dusky pink than her pants, and the one that matched exactly. So she put on the darker one to see how it looked in the mirror. Carpetbagger's wife Sapai Sabal came bustling in. Khine thought the transliteration of her name was ridiculous. It reminded her of the word for cross-eyed,
"kutpai." And the woman really was a bit cross-eyed. Also her face seemed sunk in the middle, like a cashew nut.
Khine wished she did not have to associate with these people. Kutpai had once told her that as a child she had had an operation for fused plates in her skull, and afterwards needed a helmet to hold the plates in her head open.
Now she sometimes had crossed eyes when she looked closely at something, and Khine wondered if she was too old to have an operation to have it corrected.
Kutpai asked, "Have you eaten?" She pointed to a large bowl of salad put out on a side table, with the mirror behind it.
"Are you ready?"
"Well, almost."
Khine looked at the salad, which looked like a Cobb. A few pieces of bacon and bread cubes on a massive mound of lettuce, not her favorite vegetable.
She had already brushed her teeth, and so she just picked up one bread cube and munched on it. She looked in the mirror, and saw it was maybe a one way glass. She could see Carpetbagger in the meeting room next door, sitting with some mirama businessmen.
Khine wondered if it was really a one way glass or a two way glass. As far as she could remember, she had not changed last night into her nightgown in front of the mirror, and in any case like mirama women (most of them), she changed using her longyi or sarong as a wrap around her chest.
Except for the Water Princess with breasts like fried eggs, who for some unknown reason had hung her towel around her neck, she said because she forgot her yay lair longyi (bathrobe sarong) at home.
That was ridiculous, flashing those fried eggs.
Khine had since shared hotel rooms with stranger white women found for her by Roommates International, on solo trips, and even the white women faced the wall so that only their backs were revealed when they changed.
Khine could not figure out Fried Eggs. It was like this perhaps Jewish lesbian woman coming on to her in the bookstore, showing armpits full of black hair.
Khine could not understand it at all, and avoided those kinds of situations as much as possible.
Copyright KMKaung
from Les Biz Stories. Flash Fiction. 5-27-2015
Photo--lost doll--KMKaung
5-27-2015
Tuesday, May 26, 2015
Flash fiction--Homeless Woman's Peeing Spot--by Kyi May Kaung
Winter must have been very bad, for when she emerged sitting on the Marriot Building steps, she had a 3 inch beard, split at her chin and was cursing the drivers passing by in their cars.
Then about 3 weeks or so ago, I saw her thin back again, bare as she wears only a sweater across her breasts tied at the back.
But she said the first few words that made sense--"Two dollars for the bus" I gave her four that I had in my wallet, but I was disturbed that there were so many well heeled people walking by who ignored her.
When I looked down from the windows of the Quince where I had lunch, she was in the middle of the street again swearing at the cars.
But the other day (last week?) I was in The Bread Place using my X'mas gift card to eat a lobster sandwich, when she and a man with frowzy hair came in.
She sat him down, clutched his shoulder in its brown T shirt, and said, "This is my companion."
Then she went to the counter and got something. Then she came back to the table where her companion was and she asked him, "Do you have a dime?"
"A dime?" he asked back.
At this point I had finished my sandwich except for the hard crust, and slurped up all my lemonade, so I decided to leave.
I made a pass around the park to check the Siberian iris. When I came down the steps, she was already in her usual place on the grass.
She still has about her the air of the once very pretty society belle of the ball.
As TS Eliot once wrote, "The roses had the look of roses that are looked at."
The man went off to the back of the row of about 6 benches, where last summer I used to see a pile of blankets at night.
As I came up, she went to the 2 trash bins, with her right arm out, as if about to throw something away.
Then suddenly she disappeared.
Where did she go? I thought.
As I came round the corner, I saw her squatting behind the trash bins, peeing.
I could see her genitals and pubic hair.
(some people say "pocket book" and "beaver")
I wondered what they do about toilet paper and going number two.
I have to buy some toilet paper.
Funny lady on the trip had an excellent toilet paper joke.
The homeless woman, come to think of it, I do not even know her name, has skin that sags now with all the years of rough living.
It looks like she has not had a bath or shower for a long time. Somehow I never notice what she wears below the waist.
But last night when I got back from the supermart at 9 PM, and it was so warm, about 83 degrees F, I thought, it is so warm, one could sleep outside, but maybe it would not be safe.
I have seldom seen her in the park after dark.
I guess she lives in a shelter.
I wish whatever they gave her, that has made her better, she got it years earlier.
She reminds me of the crazy woman in my novel Wolf who went mad as her home and business was burned in 1967 during the anti-Chinese riots.
This character, Ma Hinzi, needed a D and C.
I made her up from fragments my friends told me.
Near this peeing spot, the roses are Knockout roses and doing very well behind the iron bars.
They like the sun.
They don't bloom as much under the ash trees.
No wonder, I thought, those 2 trash bins look untidy, with some contents strewn about.
Her shopping bag, filled with small bits of white plastic sticking out like petals, is her signature bag.
When I see the bag, and the soiled old red coat, she is not far away.
Even a homeless person knows this is a good neighborhood.
Oh what a life.
There but for the grace of god go I.
Copyright KMKaung
5-26-2015
Monday, May 25, 2015
Dee Brown's iconic book--Bury my Heart at Wounded Knee--
http://www.amazon.com/Bury-My-Heart-Wounded-Knee/dp/0805086846#reader_0805086846
The on line sample is pretty long, so you can read that too.
The on line sample is pretty long, so you can read that too.
Caillabotte--French Impressionist and patron of others--by Kyi May Kaung
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gustave_Caillebotte
As you might expect, I am having one swell time before I lose my eyesight.
Since 2012, when I finally got to the Art Inst of Chicago, I decided it is time to look at ONLY originals, as the reproductions are so FLAT.
So, I find I really like Caillabotte.
I don't know why he is not more famous.
In the past, all I knew from reproductions, was his painting of fruit. It is said he just bought the fruit and then painted them, and since then when I buy fruit and vegetables, I take photos when I get home.
In 2012 at Art Inst of Chicago, I saw his large "Umbrella" painting--look in the link for images.
At VA Museum of Fine Art I saw those yellow roses in a jug.
I also like
man taking a bath (about to take a bath)
floor scrapers
man at the window
and
Interior.
And I like the self portrait.
I am glad he had money and appreciated art, and could help other painters, but he did not buy any of van Gogh's works, and I feel a bit sore about that. Nor did he buy Gauguin's work.
The wiki article says he stopped showing his work at age 34 and died at 45.
It must be because he felt the others were better painters, and about that, I agree with him.
He was very accomplished but maybe without the fire in the belly and fire in the belly is necessary.
Art should not be just accomplished or realistic or pretty.
That's what I believe.
KMKaung
from memoir On Life and Art.
As you might expect, I am having one swell time before I lose my eyesight.
Since 2012, when I finally got to the Art Inst of Chicago, I decided it is time to look at ONLY originals, as the reproductions are so FLAT.
So, I find I really like Caillabotte.
I don't know why he is not more famous.
In the past, all I knew from reproductions, was his painting of fruit. It is said he just bought the fruit and then painted them, and since then when I buy fruit and vegetables, I take photos when I get home.
In 2012 at Art Inst of Chicago, I saw his large "Umbrella" painting--look in the link for images.
At VA Museum of Fine Art I saw those yellow roses in a jug.
I also like
man taking a bath (about to take a bath)
floor scrapers
man at the window
and
Interior.
And I like the self portrait.
I am glad he had money and appreciated art, and could help other painters, but he did not buy any of van Gogh's works, and I feel a bit sore about that. Nor did he buy Gauguin's work.
The wiki article says he stopped showing his work at age 34 and died at 45.
It must be because he felt the others were better painters, and about that, I agree with him.
He was very accomplished but maybe without the fire in the belly and fire in the belly is necessary.
Art should not be just accomplished or realistic or pretty.
That's what I believe.
KMKaung
from memoir On Life and Art.
Day trip to Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, by Kyi May Kaung
To see paintings of flowers by Manet,van Gogh, Caillabotte, Gauguin, Fantin-Latour etc.
It all went very well, my 3rd trip with The Village.
Our departure was one hour late, as the bus engine lost a
belt, and there was no replacement bus, and it took over one hour for the
mechanic to get in from Howard County, due to traffic and a fire? on Bradley Blvd, but once he came, it was
fixed in 15 mins.
One of the women from South Asia per her first name, was
rather aggressive, but I just said it really looked like there was an engine
problem, the engine was mounted at the back of the bus like a VW and I saw the
driver looking at it when I walked up.
The woman kept saying, "But how did he get here?"
I did not get involved in all that. I just said, "I know nothing of
engines," and it is true.
I used the waiting time constructively to chat with some of
the other women, and the sculptor who made the fat nude I admired early. She came with a roll on luggage piece, and
she said she could not walk 1 1/2 block to get a taxi. I would have chatted with her more, but her
taxi came.
What I am beginning to learn in talking to visual artists
and writers is they don't do all this fucking work because they are stinking
rich and have more than enough time to scratch their arse. (This includes me)--they do it through
sacrifice and a lot of struggle at a low income level.
*
We made up for lost time by not having a rest stop, and got
there in time for lunch, only 15 mins. late.
I really like the ever smiling, and it's not a put on smile either, of
the young lady in charge.
Kudos A!
We are very fortunate to live in such a nice Village.
*
We had lunch in the Marble Hall inside the Museum.
A nice sit-down lunch with iced tea or hot tea, for me
chicken and a cream cheese dessert but quite light.
Because I did not
wish to disconcert or annoy my companions, I told them why I was taking
pictures--"I have a blog and it is mostly artists and writers inside Burma
and they love to see the travel pics.
But I won't take pictures of people, just of the food."
We introduced each other and the really funny woman whose
husband is in a wheel chair said, "I know Kyi already."
I don't know how.
She kept saying how special this trip was for them, as
"A few months ago he could not get up, he was lying in bed."
Now he looks fine, and smiled at all his wife's funny
remarks. She seemed on a par with Kay
Kendal, the beautiful clown who was Rex Harrison's wife. I really liked them.
I could not take any pictures of the art work itself, but
did take some of the transparent elevator and the lovely garden.
There were many works I recognized as I walked in, such as
Jasper Johns and Rauschenberg, but after the flowers and looking so carefully,
I was conked out and needed a cappucino.
Same lovely lady saw me sitting alone and said, "What
are you doing, Kyi? Come on
over."
So I scooted over and we laughed some more.
I wish I had waited when we got back to say good bye to them
properly, but I was rather weary.
On the way out, the woman in seat next to mine told me about
2 Jewish concentration camp survivors, brothers now 91 and 92, who don't talk
"because he felt he did not do enough to save the father (in the
camp)"
I can't write that story, it is written already, but I can
imagine what happened.
I did ascertain that it did not result in a legal case, but
only the 2 brothers not talking.
This lady seemed more interested in crossword puzzles and
Sudoku, and on the drive back she just worked on the puzzles she brought along,
and I looked out of the window at all the green trees flashing by.
Copyright KMKaung
from my memoir Solo Woman Traveler.
5-25-2015
Sunday, May 24, 2015
Dee Brown's Bury my Heart at Wounded Knee
A history of genocide--how the West was won--heart breaking--almost too painful to read.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bury_My_Heart_at_Wounded_Knee
By Dee Brown.
This book was translated into 17 languages, and has never gone out of print
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bury_My_Heart_at_Wounded_Knee
By Dee Brown.
This book was translated into 17 languages, and has never gone out of print
My book review of Michael Heskew et al, Fighting Techniques of the Oriental World
My book review of -- left on Amazon site--
Michael Heskew et al Fighting Techniques of the Oriental World
3 out of 5 stars
Good drawings, but battles need more historical context--book needs better editing.
Chapters are by different authors, and need good overall editing for style to be consistent.
Diagrams/drawings are very good, but text is variable for above reason.
KMKaung
5-24-2015
Michael Heskew et al Fighting Techniques of the Oriental World
3 out of 5 stars
Good drawings, but battles need more historical context--book needs better editing.
Chapters are by different authors, and need good overall editing for style to be consistent.
Diagrams/drawings are very good, but text is variable for above reason.
KMKaung
5-24-2015
Saturday, May 23, 2015
Special post--Elizabeth Barrett Browning's Curse for a Nation--
This photo--from Internet--Rohingya refugees rescued and resting on land--5-23-2015
Renowned for her love poems, and her love affair and marriage to Robert Browning, after being kept in captivity as an "invalid" for years by her domineering father, I never even knew she was involved in politics.
I could not find my print copy, but here it is--
make sure to open the link and read it--
http://www.poemhunter.com/poem/a-curse-for-a-nation/
for those of you who don't know, she also wrote the quintessential lines
"How do I love you, let me count the ways--I love you to the height and depth and breadth, my soul can reach--"
After she eloped with Robert, they had a son and she spent the rest of her life on the Continent.
Friday, May 22, 2015
Article by Dr. Nancy Hudson-Rodd from 2013, comparing Rohingya issue in Burma to West's denial of Jewish issue during World War II
Denial
of the Living Hell of Burma
Happening
in Burma today is a story of betrayal, failure, indifference, hatred, war, crimes
against humanity, genocide, international silence and denial. When
extermination camps were uncovered in Europe over five decades ago, the world
promised the un-measureable acts of horror would never again be allowed to
happen again. The term ‘bystander nations’ was originally used to describe the
lack of response by Allied governments to early knowledge about the unfolding
destruction of European Jews, the reluctance to believe allegations of genocide
and their refusal to adopt policies to act. Genocide in Burma is a reality. The
rulers committing genocidal acts are charming the world getting away with
murder. Why?
There
is a long history of bystander nations’ selective refusal to act. Global
awareness of the prevalence of genocide and ethnic cleansing were heightened by
a 1993 massacre in Rwanda where UN Force Commander-Lieutenant General Romeo D’Allaire
and a small band of UN peacekeepers were abandoned by the world’s major powers.
D’Allaire’s desperate calls to the UN for help were ignored, a failure of
humanity to act. Linda Melvern (1998) drew attention to the complicity of
western nations through the United Nations failure to intervene in the Rwandan
genocide. She points out that genocide was planned without secrecy and after
months of careful preparation, still international community held back. The International
Monetary Fund, the World Bank, foreign countries continued to invest money into
the economy, engaged in trade negotiations with Rwandan authorities,
contributing directly to the conditions which made the genocide possible. Why
did individual nations turn their backs?
Why did they deny the reality?
In
Burma, a similar pattern of official denial and international silence
concerning genocide and crimes against humanity being committed by the military
regime against civilians is unfolding. Former General Thein Sein, now President
Thein Sein, is welcomed and pampered around the world, applauded for
transforming Burma from a military dictatorship into a democratic nation. The
World Bank, foreign investors, governments, and technical experts complicit in
this denial, profit at the expense of the survival of citizens of Burma. The
remote border regions of Burma, home to the ethnic groups, and 55% of the lucrative
natural resources of Burma, are the sites of decades of genocidal conflicts
between the Burmese army and armed ethnic nationality groups. Despite decades of documentation concerning
crimes against humanity in Burma, why is there no action?
The
mandate of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation
in Burma was established in 1992. Each year since, the Special Rapporteur has
reported serious violations of human rights of citizens, denounced
the ruling military regime for failing to cooperate with the international
community and to take serious steps to end the ongoing grave violations of
international law. The regime has consistently denied these allegations and continues to
act with humanity. The 2008 Constitution drafted by former General Thein Sein,
now President Thein Sein, carefully included a clause which protected current
and former military rulers from being held accountable for crimes committed
against the citizens. Foreign governments have supported these crimes through
denial.
Crimes in Burma, a 2010 report by the International Human Rights
Clinic Harvard Law School was commissioned by four people, each of whom had
dealt directly with severe human rights abuses in the international system and
have witnessed the painful consequences of inaction, commissioned a study into
the grave human rights situation in Burma. “We have seen how severe human
rights abuses are not simply condemnable acts but require concerted efforts to
achieve some semblance of accountability and justice”. The report, to evaluate the extent to which
UN institutions have knowledge of reported abuses occurring in the country that
may constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity against humanity found UN
bodies had consistently acknowledged abuses and used legal terms associated with
these international crimes. Violations were
widespread, systematic, and part of a state policy.
The
commissioners asked the UN Security Council urgently to establish a Commission
of Inquiry to investigate and report on crimes against humanity and war crimes
in Burma. “If the international community and the UN Security Council fail to
take action”, the grave humanitarian situation in eastern Burma and elsewhere
in the country will continue unchecked and perpetrators of serious human rights
and humanitarian violations will remain unaccountable. “A culture of impunity
will persist that is highly conducive to the continuance and escalation of
violations”. “The world cannot wait while the military regime continues its
atrocities against the people of Burma”.
Sixteen
countries supported a proposed UN Commission of inquiry into serious violations
of international humanitarian law by all parties to Burma’s internal armed
conflicts. No country took leadership at the UN to make it a reality. Foreign ‘bystander
nations’ did not deny the violations but expressed their optimism about
government reforms despite abundant evidence about continuing systematic
repression. This rationalisation of
violations institutionalised in international bodies such as the United Nations
is described by Leo Kuper (1991, Genocide:
A Critical Bibliographical Review) as “the technology of denial developed
by member states of the United Nations as they shield offending governments”.
In their
independent research 2010 report, Crimes
Against Humanity in Western Burma: The Situation of the Rohingyas, the
Irish Centre for Human Rights, concluded that there is “a reliable body of
evidence of acts constituting a widespread or systematic attack against
Rohingya civilian population in North Arakan State. These appear to satisfy the
requirements under international law and confirm the perpetration of crimes
against humanity”. The report warned that failure to deal with the root causes
of the dire situation of the Rohingyas would lead to a bleak future for the
minority. “People committing, allowing, aiding, and abetting these crimes must
be held accountable. The international community has a responsibility to
protect the Rohingyas, to respond to allegations of crimes against humanity and
ensure that violations and impunity do not persist for another generation”.
Tomas Ojea
Quintana, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human
rights in Burma (March 2013) condemned widespread and systematic human rights
violations being committed against Rohingya in Arakan State. “There continues
to be absolutely no accountability for what is occurring there”. He detailed severe violations and abuses of
international human rights including: detention of over 250 prisoners of
conscience and ongoing torture in places of detention; ongoing arrest and detention of peaceful
protesters; misuse of defamation laws to enforce censorship and heavy
censorship of public broadcasting; increasing violations of land and housing
rights; the judiciary’s lack of independence from the executive branch; ongoing
conflict in ethnic border areas with increased troop presence in various states
has increased human rights violation in Kachin and northern Shan States with
ongoing attacks against civilian populations, extrajudicial killings, sexual
violence and rape, forced labour, portering, arbitrary arrests and detention,
and torture.
The UN Human
Rights Council adopted March 2013 a resolution on the human rights situation in
Burma. The resolution urged the regime to conduct a full and transparent, and
independent investigation into all reports of violations of international human
rights violations and international humanitarian law.
The Burmese
government refuted the report (Observations
by Myanmar on the Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human
rights in Myanmar) in classic denial approach. The Myanmar delegation
pressed for a new rapporteur, one more favourable to Burma.
Each year since
1992 this dance has occurred between the UN and the military regime of Burma.
Prisoners of conscience: “Nobody is arrested on political grounds.
Maintenance of law and order is a key responsibility of the government. Legal
action is taken against those who violated the laws”.
In the upside
down world of Burma, there are no prisoners of conscience only those who
disobey the many laws of the nation which are designed to silence defenders of
freedom and challenge the authority of the rulers. Human rights defenders are criminalised.
Conditions of detention and treatment of prisoners: “Necessary measures are already in place,
an investigation took place. Allegations that Muslim prisoners detained in
Buthidaung Prison after violence in 2012 were tortured and beaten to death.
“The authorities have examined these allegations. After verification, they
found the allegations were baseless”.
Death may occur
in prison but allegations of torture are unfounded as prison authorities would
not do this.
Conflict and Situation of ethnic minorities: “Allegations of attack against civilian
population and other forms of human rights violations are unfounded. The Report
has omitted the destructive, terrorist acts committed by the KIA in Kachin
State. It is an undeniable fact that the KIA has committed terrorist acts there.
These terrorist acts are too obvious to ignore”.
Attacks against
civilian populations are unfounded as the people attacked were really
terrorists.
Situation in Rakhaine State: “Allegations of
harassment, arbitrary arrest, arbitrary restriction of movement, destruction of places of worship and
restrictions thereon were unfounded. They do not match with the real situation
on the ground”.
Total denial of
the violent acts.
Citizenship Act
The Special
Rapporteur’s recommendation to amend the 1982 Myanmar Citizenship Act is
unacceptable. No country is obligated to get citizenship to everybody who is
living there. The 1982 Myanmar Citizenship Act does not target any particular
group. People living legally in Myanmar for three successive generations are
eligible to apply for the naturalised citizenship. Therefore, we see no reason
whatsoever to review or amend the Act”.
Total denial of
existence of Rohingya.
Constitution:
“Time is not ripe to consider the amendment of our
constitutional provisions”.
Prisoner of Conscience
“We cannot
agree to the Special Rapporteur’s observation that Dr Tun Aung is a prisoner of
conscience. He was sentenced to 11 years imprisonment after having been found
guilty of charges such as the instigation and incitement to cause racial
discord, the falsification of national registration certificate etc”.
Dr Tun Aung, a
retired medical doctor, Rohingya Muslim community leader, was tortured, denied
medical treatment, a lawyer, held incommunicado in Sittwe Prison, having done
the exact opposite of what he was charged for, inciting communal violence. On 8
June 2012, the Burmese authorities asked Dr Tun Aung to aid the police in
stopping ethnic violence starting. Dr Tun Aung actively tried to calm an
agitated crowd. He then sought refuge in the United Nations High Commission for
Refugees (UNHCR) where 157 staff of the UNHCR and several members of his family
were sheltered. The same police who asked him to restore calm came to take him to
the headquarters of the special border security force, who tortured him, then
sent him to Sittwe prison, where his family could not visit due to travel
restrictions on Rohingya. He was charged with having 6 yuan foreign currency and
an out of date sim card from Bangladesh. He had no lawyer, no family members.
The only witnesses were police and security authorities. He has since been
sentenced to an extra 6 years in prison. The prosecution charged that his sentence
was too lenient. He has been denied the urgent medical care that he needs.
The Burmese
regime finally submitted a report on the violence against Rohingya in Arakan
State. They accused the UNHCR of harbouring a ‘Bengali’ Doctor who had incited
violence. Dr Tun Aung is a Rohingya, a long time respected leader and medical
doctor. As a member of the Hobart, Tasmania, Amnesty International Group, I and
my Amnesty friends write to Senator Bob Carr, the Foreign Minister of Australia
and to U Soe Thane, chairman of the Committee for Scrutinizing the Remaining
Prisoners of Conscience, in the Ministry of President Thein Sein’s office, for
the immediate unconditional release of Dr Tun Aung. Minister Bob Carr met with
U Soe Thane on his recent visit to Burma. Did they discuss Dr Tun Aung?
The reports continue. All You Can Do Is Pray: Crimes Against Humanity and Ethnic Cleansing of
Rohingya Muslims in Burma’s Arakan State, the Human Rights Watch 2013. Endemic
discrimination against the 800, 000 stateless Rohingya Muslim in Arakan State
continues after convulsions of violence in June and October 2012. Homes,
businesses, mosques, Islamic education centres were destroyed, men, women, and
children murdered, stoked by hate campaigns sponsored by Buddhist monks and
other groups. Security forces, police, soldiers tended to either ignore
violence against Rohingya, were active in violence, with government officials
complicit. There are ongoing allegations
of harassment, detentions, sexual violence and rape, arbitrary restriction of
movement, and destruction of places of worship. At least 120,000 Rohingya are
internally displaced from their homes and interred in camps denied movement and
inadequate food and shelter. Access by international organisations to all of these
camps has been denied by security forces. President Thein Sein took no serious
steps to hold accountable those responsible for these attacks or to prevent
further acts of violence.
Genocide
Dr
Gregory Stanton, president of Genocide Watch, the International Alliance to End
Genocide, describes genocide as a process that develops in eight stages
(classification, symbolisation, dehumanisation, organisation, polarisation,
preparation, extermination, denial). These stages are predictable but not
inexorable. At each stage preventative measures can stop it. The process is not
linear. Logically later stages are preceded by earlier stages, but all stages
continue to operate throughout the process. Listed as crimes against humanity
the military regime is committing against the Rohingya are: denial of
citizenship, imprisonment in displaced person camps; widespread murder of
civilians; denial of the right to travel; denial of education rights of
children; denial of food and medicines. Burma remains at stage 7 the process of
extermination due to ongoing wars against minorities, especially Karen, Shan, and
Kachin.
In
every research study mentioned, authors have stated that measures should be
urgently taken to prevent further crimes against the population. Genocide Watch
has stated that preventative measures are available. All studies reveal that if
measures are not taken to stop criminal actions, the regime will act with
impunity. There has been no international response to these appeals. There has
been no Burmese military response and no person held accountable for these
crimes. Atrocities are being committed. Children, women, and men are suffering.
Adama
Dieng, the United Nations Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide voiced
deep concern at reports of increased violence between Muslim and Buddhist
communities in central Burma (29 March 2013). Given the convulsions of violence
in June and October 2012, he called upon government leaders in Burma to
urgently put in place measures to address the immediate consequences of the
current violence and also the root causes of the problem to prevent further
escalation of violence. “Failing to do so can have serious future consequences
which the international community has solemnly promised to prevent”. Dieng
urged the Government to clearly demonstrate “that it is serious about holding
accountable those responsible for the past and present violence, regardless of
their religious or ethnic affiliations”. The government “must also take
measures to protect populations at risk”. Noting that that the State has the
primary responsibility to protect its population, Mr. Dieng called on the
Government to address the situation as a matter of urgency, develop a
comprehensive national strategy that upholds international human rights
standards and promotes reconciliation and tolerance among Buddhist and Muslim
communities in the country.
Where
is the outrage? Why has the international community not held the Burmese
military accountable for their crimes?
Why
does the Australian Government supportive of the Burmese semi-civilian
government? Why does the Australian Government not speak out against the
continuing human rights abuses against civilians of Burma? It is time to take a
sober analysis of what is really happening in Burma.
Australia
was the first western nation to sign a Memorandum of Understanding on
Development with the Myanmar Government in January 2013. It is the second
largest bilateral aid donor to Burma. Australia encourages increased trade and
investment links with Burma, appointed a Trade Commissioner and opened an
Austrade office in Rangoon in May 2013.
Closer bilateral relations have led to significant increases in senior
visits between Burma and Australia.
Foreign Government Language of Denial
Speaking
from Burma, the Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Senator the Honourable
Bob Carr, was interviewed by ABC AM, 10 July 2013. Senator Carr raised the
plight of Rohingyas during meetings with President U Thein Sein, Foreign
Minister U Wunna Maung Lwin, and Ministers U Aung Min and U Soe Thane who
“pointed to efforts they had made to bring communities together and promote
tolerance”. (What efforts? None visible,
but stay out of a cultural situation you know nothing about). Carr refused to
criticise political leadership for lack of strong action concerning violence
against Rohingyas. He emphasised how
difficult the “problem” was as explained by the minister for reconciliation
“we’ve got 11 armed ethnic groups and we’ve got 135 recognised ethnic groups
going back to before colonial times”. (Classic
military response to claim ancient history, no one outside could understand. No
mention that the regime created a nation of 135 artificial races denied one the
rohingya, not a country of citizens).
Already
the second largest contributor of aid to Burma, Senator Carr committed an
additional $3.2 million not contingent on any action to be taken by the
government towards resolving the Rohingya crisis. “We go on giving aid while,
with the credibility that gives us and being seen as something of a champion of
Myanmar, we will continue to press with the government and with opposition
leadership the plight of the Rohingya”. (What happens when the state which
should protect its citizens and therefore be the vehicle of international aid
is actually the perpetrator of crimes against the very people it is supposed to
protect? The Burmese regime has denied access to people in internally displaced
camps and in Arakan State has forced Rohingya to pay for the donated food.
There are still members of international non-governmental aid organisations in
prison). Public condemnation of the
regime practices and calls for changes are required not quiet support.
International news headlines focussed on
“ethnic and sectarian tensions in Rakhaine and not about the fact that the
government has concluded peace agreements, ceasefires with 11 armed ethnic
groups, which is an awe inspiring achievement, one that the country can truly
be proud of”. The regime of Burma, culpable for crimes against humanity and
genocide, should be held accountable not courted. Ethnic and sectarian tensions
are words to deny the truth of genocide, to slide over the culpability of state
actions.
The
Australian government “a champion of Myanmar” is no friend of the people of
Burma. The Australian Government needs to publicly denounce the actions of the
Government of Burma and call for an international inquiry into crimes against
humanity. Disorder and violence are institutionalised and normalised in Burma.
The culture of denial encourages turning collective blind-eyes, leaving abuses
unexamined and normalised as part of every-day life. The Australian Government
knows atrocities committed by the regime. It is time to speak the truth, deny
support for the regime, and support the people of Burma. Or do they just want
to be another bystander nation?
Special post--full text of UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights, Burma --Tomas Ojea Quintana--from 2013full
full text
8-23-2013
Statement of the Special Rapporteur
on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar
Statement
of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar
By Tomás Ojea Quintana, 21 August 2013, Yangon
International Airport, Myanmar
I have
just concluded my ten-day mission to Myanmar – my eighth visit to the country since I was appointed
Special Rapporteur in March 2008. I would like to express my sincere
appreciation to the Government of Myanmar for its invitation, and in particular
for granting me an extended visit this time, which has enabled me to cover more
ground than I have done previously during my five-day missions.
In
Naypyitaw, I met with the Minster of Foreign Affairs; the Minister of
Immigration and Population; the Ministers of the President’s Office; the
Minister of Education; the Minister of Health; the Minister of Labour,
Employment and Social Security; the Minister of Social Welfare, Relief and
Resettlement; the Deputy Minister of Defence; parliamentarians and members of
parliamentary committees, including the Bills Committee and International
Relations Committee of the Amyotha Hluttaw; the Attorney General; the Chief Justice and other members
of the Supreme Court; members of the Letpadaung Implementation Committee;
Advisors to the President; and the Chief of Police. I also met with Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi.
In Yangon, I met with prisoners of conscience
released since my last visit; members of the prisoner review committee; members
of the media, including the social media; members of the 88 Generation;
political party representatives; a range of civil society organisations; the
Myanmar National Human Rights Commission; lawyers; members of interfaith
organisations; and land activists. While in Yangon, I visited Insein Prison and
met with five prisoners of conscience, and made a tour of the prison, including
the female wards. And I met with members of the United Nations Country Team and
briefed the diplomatic community. I would like to thank the Resident
Coordinator and the Country Team for the support provided to me during my
mission.
I visited Rakhine State, including Buthidaung
Prison, Sittwe Prison, Sittwe Hospital, Shwe Kyaung Monastery and Aung Mingalar
quarters. I visited Kachin State, and went to Myitkyina where I met with state
officials as well as Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) officials. I
visited Mindat and Kanpalet in Chin State and met with state officials,
community and religious leaders, and civil society. In Mindat, I visited a
Border Areas National Races Youth Development Training School (Na Ta La) where
I met with teachers and students. I visited Shan State and went to Lashio to meet
with state officials and national groups and local monks. I made a tour of the
areas affected by the intercommunal violence there last May, and met with
members of the Buddhist and Muslim communities affected by the violence. I also
visited Lashio Prison to meet with persons detained in connection with the
violence. In Shan State, I visited Namhsan and met with representatives of the
Palaung self-administered zone and representatives of workers and civil society
organisations there. I visited Mandalay and met with regional government
ministers and went on to Meiktila township, and in Naypyitaw met
with residents of Meiktila who had been affected by the March violence.
I would like to thank the Government for organising this wide-ranging visit,
and for the freedom of movement and access I was granted, which enabled me to
develop a comprehensive assessment of the human rights situation on the ground.
In my visit to Kachin State, I met state authorities and the KIO technical team that
had recently opened an office in Myitkyina, where I discussed ongoing human rights and humanitarian
concerns. I received further information about the seven-point agreement
signed by the government and the KIO on 30 May 2013, which I welcome, and I was
encouraged by the inclusion of an agreement to undertake relief, rehabilitation
and resettlement of internally displaced persons. However, there remains a
serious challenge regarding the implementation of this provision. I learnt that
UN humanitarian agencies had only been provided with access to non-government
controlled areas once between July 2012 and July 2013. The information I have received about these
areas is extremely concerning, particularly with regard to food security. I
also attempted to visit Laiza during this mission, but unfortunately the state
and central government were unable to grant clear permission. This pattern of
denying access not only to address humanitarian shortcomings, but also serious
human rights concerns, needs to change immediately.
Over the years there have been serious allegations of human rights abuses against villagers from Kachin, though I believe these have reduced following progress with ceasefire negotiations. However, some clashes continue to occur in Northern Shan State. What is also concerning is the information I received about the lack of consultation with internally displaced communities on their return. Any initiative to return IDPs to their places of origin has to be done with the free, prior and informed consent of the ethnic communities concerned, and also involve consultation with humanitarian agencies working in the State, including UN agencies.
In Myitkyina, I went to Jamai Kawng IDP camp and met with Buang Shawng, who I had met in detention during my previous visit and who had been recently released. As well as welcoming his individual release, I hope this will be a sign that the Government will stop the practice of detaining people for their alleged association with non-state armed groups.
Over the years there have been serious allegations of human rights abuses against villagers from Kachin, though I believe these have reduced following progress with ceasefire negotiations. However, some clashes continue to occur in Northern Shan State. What is also concerning is the information I received about the lack of consultation with internally displaced communities on their return. Any initiative to return IDPs to their places of origin has to be done with the free, prior and informed consent of the ethnic communities concerned, and also involve consultation with humanitarian agencies working in the State, including UN agencies.
In Myitkyina, I went to Jamai Kawng IDP camp and met with Buang Shawng, who I had met in detention during my previous visit and who had been recently released. As well as welcoming his individual release, I hope this will be a sign that the Government will stop the practice of detaining people for their alleged association with non-state armed groups.
I also met
with members of the large Shan community living there, and listened to how they
had been affected by the ongoing conflict. It is vital that the ceasefire and
political negotiations in Kachin State also address the concerns of this group.
I visited Chin State for the first
time, and observed the beauty of the environment and how friendly and open the
people were. There, I went to Mindat and Kanpalet, and noted that restrictions
on Christians have eased notably in 2013, though there remain some shortcomings in terms of bureaucratic
obstacles towards opening spaces for Christian worship. Also, in the Na
Ta La schools, equal access for both Buddhists and Christians needs to be
ensured. In my meeting in Mindat with State Government officials and community
and religious leaders, there was a frank but respectful dialogue about State
policies and their negative impact on different communities. I found this
discussion an example of good democratic practice emerging in Myanmar.
Chin State has serious levels of underdevelopment. Many of the roads I travelled on were nothing more than dusty dirt tracks and the communities I met spoke to me about their frustrations with intermittent access to electricity and uneven access to drinking water. With the country opening up, development will come, but it is important that this process occurs in a participatory, transparent, accountable and equal manner. Environmental considerations should also be at the forefront of developmental policy. Most importantly, the process of development and the exploitation natural resources there should benefit the Chin communities, who have suffered from neglect from the central government over the years.
I went to Rakhine State for the fourth time, and was greeted by many locals who were protesting my visit. Although this was not a message I liked to hear, I welcomed that people were able to stand in public and express their views. I stepped out of the car and met with one of the protestors, who spoke passionately about her pride of being a Rakhine Buddhist, and her distress over the neglect of her community over the years. She spoke of how her community had suffered during the recent violence and upheaval, and of her hopes for a more secure and peaceful future.
In Rakhine State, the state and central government are working well with the international community to address urgent humanitarian needs of both Rakhine Buddhists and the Muslim communities. The authorities and UN agencies have been successful in building new shelters for Muslim and Rakhine IDPs to face the rainy season in time to prevent a humanitarian crisis, which has been a serious concern. In my meeting with the Chief Minister of Rakhine State, I welcomed his assurances that there was no two-child policy in place for the Muslim populations in Northern Rakhine State. The Minister of Immigration reconfirmed that such a policy does not exist, though he accepted that there might have been a practice of two-child restrictions on the ground by Nasaka. I welcome the disbandment of Nasaka, a border security force which has allegedly committed numerous human rights violations over the years.
However, my overriding concern is that the separation and segregation of communities in Rakhine State is becoming increasingly permanent, making the restoration of trust difficult. This continues to have a particularly negative impact on the Muslim community. The severe restrictions on freedom of movement in Muslim IDP camps and villages remain in place. I visited Aung Mingalar, the only remaining Muslim ward in Sittwe, where a large number of people are living in a confined space, with the periphery marked out with barbed wire and guarded by armed police. This has serious consequences for fundamental human rights, including access to healthcare, education, as well as access to livelihoods. Furthermore, there continues to be cases of humanitarian workers facing intimidation by local groups when attempting to provide healthcare to the camps, which compounds the problem of access to healthcare.
The police and army have now taken charge of security in Rakhine State. Although there are legitimate security concerns which the police and army are addressing, I have received many serious allegations of the disproportionate use of force in dealing with large crowds of Muslim protestors. The latest incident saw live ammunition used to disperse a crowd of Muslims in Sittwe, with two killed and several injured. Security forces need to stop the use of excessive force.
Sittwe and in particular Buthidaung prison are filled with hundreds of Muslims men and women detained in connection with the violence of June and October 2012. Many of these have been arbitrarily detained and tried in flawed trials. I met the State Chief Justice and urged for the respect of due process of law. The use of torture and ill treatment, including some cases of death, during the first three months of the June outbreak, needs to be properly investigated and those responsible held to account.
The starting point for the solution to the situation in Rakhine lies with the unavoidable role of the state in pursuing policies that benefit both communities and brings the restoration of the rule of law as a means to build bridges between them. The Minister of Immigration told me that he has started to involve third parties to facilitate engagement between communities and the Government. This is a positive step forward. At the same time, I believe that the central and state Government need to pursue coordinated policies which comprehensively address the spread of discriminatory views and practices in Rakhine State. This includes strong and consistent public messaging through print, broadcast and social media and the engagement of religious leaders and political parties in dialogue. The establishment of the Interfaith Group of Myanmar is a step in the right direction. Addressing the issue of underdevelopment and poverty, including the sharing benefits from the State’s natural resources with local inhabitants, must also be considered as vital to finding solutions to the crisis in Rakhine State.
There continue to be prisoners of conscience in Myanmar, and I reiterate they should be released immediately and unconditionally. I visited Insein prison and met five prisoners of conscience (Ke E, Zaw Min Than, Saw War Lay, Min Min Tun and Htauk Swan Mon). I also met in Yangon with two members of the committee appointed by the Government who have produced a list of remaining prisoners of conscience, which they will soon pass to the Chair of the committee. In Rakhine State, I also visited prisoners who have been arbitrarily detained (Dr. Tun Aung and U Kyaw Hla Aung), and the four INGO workers who have been arbitrarily detained since June and July last year.
President Thein Sein has announced that by the end of the year all remaining political prisoners will have been released. This is a very encouraging announcement, which I hope becomes a reality. The Presidential statement should be accompanied by the respect of every person in Myanmar to freely express and demonstrate their opinions. I have met persons who have been detained and charged under section 18 of the Peaceful Assembly and Demonstration Act for their involvement in peaceful protests, including on land issues. I reiterate that this legislation is not in line with international human rights standards.
In Yangon I met with a range of civil society groups, and listened to their concerns. I urge the Parliament to postpone the passing of the proposed Associations Law. The bill, if passed in its current form, would be a serious setback for the development of a strong and vibrant civil society in Myanmar. With this bill, the Government is setting up a system of registration for civil society which enables them to arbitrarily clamp down on legitimate organisations. I must make clear that the Government has to change its mindset on registration procedures if it is to create an environment in which civil society can thrive.
I also met in Parliament with members of the newly formed Constitutional Reform Committee, which will begin its work next week. Throughout the mission, I discussed with different stakeholders the issue of constitutional reform. They pointed out the provisions of the Constitution that are not in line with international human rights standards, and undermine democracy and the rule of law. These provisions include those that place unnecessary restrictions on who can run for President, and which allow for military appointees to occupy 25 per cent of seats in Parliament. I welcome the opening of space for discussions on the review of the Constitution and hope that this will bring concrete results in the near future.
I also met members of the LGBT community who raised concerns about discrimination and maltreatment at the hands of the police and application of the penal code against them.
I visited Lashio in Shan State where I met with township authorities and Muslim leaders. Both described to me that organised Buddhist mobs that had arrived from outside of Lashio in late April to wreak violence and destruction. I also met, at her home, the Buddhist woman who had inexplicably been set on fire by a Muslim man who was described by the authorities as mentally disturbed and high on drink and drugs. The violence which came after this incident affected mostly the Muslim community in Lashio, where in some cases the police stood by whereas some monks were intervening to try to quell the violence. I met with senior monk Sayadaw Baddhanta Ponnya- Nanda of the Lashio Mansu Shan Buddhist Monastery, who provided shelter for over 1,000 Muslims escaping the rampaging mobs. Muslim houses, shops, a mosque and a Muslim orphanage were burnt down. Also, a Muslim man was brutally beaten to death with sticks and stabbed, and his wife, who I also met, was severely injured. This brought home to me the terrible misery this intercommunal violence is bringing to the lives of ordinary people. A number of Buddhists have been tried and convicted as well as a number of Muslims. The question of how the police reacted, particularly in the early stages, must also be investigated. Many of the Muslim communities that lost their homes, including the orphanage, are unable to return due to administrative requirements which need to be overcome.
The prospect of restoring communities that live in peaceful coexistence in Lashio is much more challenging in Meiktila. On my way to the township administrative office in Meiktila, at around 10.30pm on 19 August, my car was descended upon by a crowd of around 200 people who proceeded to punch and kick the windows and doors of the car while shouting abuse. Due to these serious security concerns, I had to abandon my proposed visit to an IDP camp containing around 1,600 Muslims who had been displaced following the March violence; a visit which had been planned well in advance. The fear that I felt during this incident, being left totally unprotected by the nearby police, gave me an insight into the fear residents would have felt when being chased down by violent mobs during the violence last March as police allegedly stood by as angry mobs beat, stabbed and burned to death some 43 people. I must highlight the obligation of the Government to act immediately to control violent mobs, running riot in communities, and protect all people regardless of their religion or ethnicity; something it seems they have not done during the violence in Meiktila. The Government also has an obligation to hold to account those who have failed to carry out this duty.
The following day, outside of Meiktila, I was able to interview Muslim residents who had been directly affected by the violence, including a father whose son had been killed on his way to play football with a friend. The violence in Meiktila has highlighted to me the dangers of the spread of religious incitement in Myanmar, and the deadly environment that this can create, where a Buddhist monk and Muslim students were brutally killed. Although the Chief Minister declared that the trust had been restored, this does not reflect reality. The central and state government has also an obligation to urgently address these worrying trends.
Just prior to my mission, I was encouraged to see a large commemoration of the 88 pro-democracy demonstrations, and I praise the Government for allowing this to take place. I believe that these initiatives are a necessary part of the democratic transition occurring in Myanmar. The past is unavoidable and will always come up in a country that has suffered decades of conflict and oppression. Therefore, the Government together with civil society has to build on this progress towards addressing the past through mechanisms to establish the truth and bring reconciliation.
Myanmar is moving forward in a significant number of areas, which has brought positive changes to the human rights situation, and has the potential to bring further improvements. However, there are still critical challenges, including the historical need of reconciliation with ethnic groups. In this regard, the initiatives being implemented at the highest levels by the Government to stop more fighting in the country needs to be accompanied, in parallel, with measures at the grassroots level to also engage local and rural communities in the process of peacebuilding and reconciliation. More space needs to be opened up for their voices to be heard, particularly the voices of women, including in the peace negotiations, so communities have trust and belief that this process will lead to a better future.
I want to again thank the Government of Myanmar for its invitation and cooperation. And I reaffirm my willingness to work constructively and cooperatively with Myanmar during this transition to improve the human rights situation of its people.
Chin State has serious levels of underdevelopment. Many of the roads I travelled on were nothing more than dusty dirt tracks and the communities I met spoke to me about their frustrations with intermittent access to electricity and uneven access to drinking water. With the country opening up, development will come, but it is important that this process occurs in a participatory, transparent, accountable and equal manner. Environmental considerations should also be at the forefront of developmental policy. Most importantly, the process of development and the exploitation natural resources there should benefit the Chin communities, who have suffered from neglect from the central government over the years.
I went to Rakhine State for the fourth time, and was greeted by many locals who were protesting my visit. Although this was not a message I liked to hear, I welcomed that people were able to stand in public and express their views. I stepped out of the car and met with one of the protestors, who spoke passionately about her pride of being a Rakhine Buddhist, and her distress over the neglect of her community over the years. She spoke of how her community had suffered during the recent violence and upheaval, and of her hopes for a more secure and peaceful future.
In Rakhine State, the state and central government are working well with the international community to address urgent humanitarian needs of both Rakhine Buddhists and the Muslim communities. The authorities and UN agencies have been successful in building new shelters for Muslim and Rakhine IDPs to face the rainy season in time to prevent a humanitarian crisis, which has been a serious concern. In my meeting with the Chief Minister of Rakhine State, I welcomed his assurances that there was no two-child policy in place for the Muslim populations in Northern Rakhine State. The Minister of Immigration reconfirmed that such a policy does not exist, though he accepted that there might have been a practice of two-child restrictions on the ground by Nasaka. I welcome the disbandment of Nasaka, a border security force which has allegedly committed numerous human rights violations over the years.
However, my overriding concern is that the separation and segregation of communities in Rakhine State is becoming increasingly permanent, making the restoration of trust difficult. This continues to have a particularly negative impact on the Muslim community. The severe restrictions on freedom of movement in Muslim IDP camps and villages remain in place. I visited Aung Mingalar, the only remaining Muslim ward in Sittwe, where a large number of people are living in a confined space, with the periphery marked out with barbed wire and guarded by armed police. This has serious consequences for fundamental human rights, including access to healthcare, education, as well as access to livelihoods. Furthermore, there continues to be cases of humanitarian workers facing intimidation by local groups when attempting to provide healthcare to the camps, which compounds the problem of access to healthcare.
The police and army have now taken charge of security in Rakhine State. Although there are legitimate security concerns which the police and army are addressing, I have received many serious allegations of the disproportionate use of force in dealing with large crowds of Muslim protestors. The latest incident saw live ammunition used to disperse a crowd of Muslims in Sittwe, with two killed and several injured. Security forces need to stop the use of excessive force.
Sittwe and in particular Buthidaung prison are filled with hundreds of Muslims men and women detained in connection with the violence of June and October 2012. Many of these have been arbitrarily detained and tried in flawed trials. I met the State Chief Justice and urged for the respect of due process of law. The use of torture and ill treatment, including some cases of death, during the first three months of the June outbreak, needs to be properly investigated and those responsible held to account.
The starting point for the solution to the situation in Rakhine lies with the unavoidable role of the state in pursuing policies that benefit both communities and brings the restoration of the rule of law as a means to build bridges between them. The Minister of Immigration told me that he has started to involve third parties to facilitate engagement between communities and the Government. This is a positive step forward. At the same time, I believe that the central and state Government need to pursue coordinated policies which comprehensively address the spread of discriminatory views and practices in Rakhine State. This includes strong and consistent public messaging through print, broadcast and social media and the engagement of religious leaders and political parties in dialogue. The establishment of the Interfaith Group of Myanmar is a step in the right direction. Addressing the issue of underdevelopment and poverty, including the sharing benefits from the State’s natural resources with local inhabitants, must also be considered as vital to finding solutions to the crisis in Rakhine State.
There continue to be prisoners of conscience in Myanmar, and I reiterate they should be released immediately and unconditionally. I visited Insein prison and met five prisoners of conscience (Ke E, Zaw Min Than, Saw War Lay, Min Min Tun and Htauk Swan Mon). I also met in Yangon with two members of the committee appointed by the Government who have produced a list of remaining prisoners of conscience, which they will soon pass to the Chair of the committee. In Rakhine State, I also visited prisoners who have been arbitrarily detained (Dr. Tun Aung and U Kyaw Hla Aung), and the four INGO workers who have been arbitrarily detained since June and July last year.
President Thein Sein has announced that by the end of the year all remaining political prisoners will have been released. This is a very encouraging announcement, which I hope becomes a reality. The Presidential statement should be accompanied by the respect of every person in Myanmar to freely express and demonstrate their opinions. I have met persons who have been detained and charged under section 18 of the Peaceful Assembly and Demonstration Act for their involvement in peaceful protests, including on land issues. I reiterate that this legislation is not in line with international human rights standards.
In Yangon I met with a range of civil society groups, and listened to their concerns. I urge the Parliament to postpone the passing of the proposed Associations Law. The bill, if passed in its current form, would be a serious setback for the development of a strong and vibrant civil society in Myanmar. With this bill, the Government is setting up a system of registration for civil society which enables them to arbitrarily clamp down on legitimate organisations. I must make clear that the Government has to change its mindset on registration procedures if it is to create an environment in which civil society can thrive.
I also met in Parliament with members of the newly formed Constitutional Reform Committee, which will begin its work next week. Throughout the mission, I discussed with different stakeholders the issue of constitutional reform. They pointed out the provisions of the Constitution that are not in line with international human rights standards, and undermine democracy and the rule of law. These provisions include those that place unnecessary restrictions on who can run for President, and which allow for military appointees to occupy 25 per cent of seats in Parliament. I welcome the opening of space for discussions on the review of the Constitution and hope that this will bring concrete results in the near future.
I also met members of the LGBT community who raised concerns about discrimination and maltreatment at the hands of the police and application of the penal code against them.
I visited Lashio in Shan State where I met with township authorities and Muslim leaders. Both described to me that organised Buddhist mobs that had arrived from outside of Lashio in late April to wreak violence and destruction. I also met, at her home, the Buddhist woman who had inexplicably been set on fire by a Muslim man who was described by the authorities as mentally disturbed and high on drink and drugs. The violence which came after this incident affected mostly the Muslim community in Lashio, where in some cases the police stood by whereas some monks were intervening to try to quell the violence. I met with senior monk Sayadaw Baddhanta Ponnya- Nanda of the Lashio Mansu Shan Buddhist Monastery, who provided shelter for over 1,000 Muslims escaping the rampaging mobs. Muslim houses, shops, a mosque and a Muslim orphanage were burnt down. Also, a Muslim man was brutally beaten to death with sticks and stabbed, and his wife, who I also met, was severely injured. This brought home to me the terrible misery this intercommunal violence is bringing to the lives of ordinary people. A number of Buddhists have been tried and convicted as well as a number of Muslims. The question of how the police reacted, particularly in the early stages, must also be investigated. Many of the Muslim communities that lost their homes, including the orphanage, are unable to return due to administrative requirements which need to be overcome.
The prospect of restoring communities that live in peaceful coexistence in Lashio is much more challenging in Meiktila. On my way to the township administrative office in Meiktila, at around 10.30pm on 19 August, my car was descended upon by a crowd of around 200 people who proceeded to punch and kick the windows and doors of the car while shouting abuse. Due to these serious security concerns, I had to abandon my proposed visit to an IDP camp containing around 1,600 Muslims who had been displaced following the March violence; a visit which had been planned well in advance. The fear that I felt during this incident, being left totally unprotected by the nearby police, gave me an insight into the fear residents would have felt when being chased down by violent mobs during the violence last March as police allegedly stood by as angry mobs beat, stabbed and burned to death some 43 people. I must highlight the obligation of the Government to act immediately to control violent mobs, running riot in communities, and protect all people regardless of their religion or ethnicity; something it seems they have not done during the violence in Meiktila. The Government also has an obligation to hold to account those who have failed to carry out this duty.
The following day, outside of Meiktila, I was able to interview Muslim residents who had been directly affected by the violence, including a father whose son had been killed on his way to play football with a friend. The violence in Meiktila has highlighted to me the dangers of the spread of religious incitement in Myanmar, and the deadly environment that this can create, where a Buddhist monk and Muslim students were brutally killed. Although the Chief Minister declared that the trust had been restored, this does not reflect reality. The central and state government has also an obligation to urgently address these worrying trends.
Just prior to my mission, I was encouraged to see a large commemoration of the 88 pro-democracy demonstrations, and I praise the Government for allowing this to take place. I believe that these initiatives are a necessary part of the democratic transition occurring in Myanmar. The past is unavoidable and will always come up in a country that has suffered decades of conflict and oppression. Therefore, the Government together with civil society has to build on this progress towards addressing the past through mechanisms to establish the truth and bring reconciliation.
Myanmar is moving forward in a significant number of areas, which has brought positive changes to the human rights situation, and has the potential to bring further improvements. However, there are still critical challenges, including the historical need of reconciliation with ethnic groups. In this regard, the initiatives being implemented at the highest levels by the Government to stop more fighting in the country needs to be accompanied, in parallel, with measures at the grassroots level to also engage local and rural communities in the process of peacebuilding and reconciliation. More space needs to be opened up for their voices to be heard, particularly the voices of women, including in the peace negotiations, so communities have trust and belief that this process will lead to a better future.
I want to again thank the Government of Myanmar for its invitation and cooperation. And I reaffirm my willingness to work constructively and cooperatively with Myanmar during this transition to improve the human rights situation of its people.
ENDS
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