Center for Strategic and International Studies 
Southeast Asia Program 
Keynote Address by Ben Rhodes at the “The United St
ates and 
Myanmar: Next Steps” Conference 
Speaker: 
Ben Rhodes, 
Assistant to the President and Deputy National Secu
rity Adviser for Strategic 
Communications and Speechwriting, Executive Office 
of the President 
Moderator: 
Amy Searight, 
Senior Adviser and Director, Southeast Asia Program
, 
Center for Strategic and International Studies 
Location:  CSIS Headquarters, Washington, D.C. 
Time:  9:30 a.m. EDT 
Date:  Monday, September 12, 2016 
Transcript By 
Superior Transcriptions LLC 
www.superiortranscriptions.com 
(Applause.) 
BEN RHODES:  Great.  Well, thank you, everybody, fo
r being here today.  And I know you 
have a good day of panel discussions.  I’ll just gi
ve you some opening comments on how we’re looking 
at the visit from State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi,
 who will be arriving in Washington later today. 
And I do think it’s sometimes hard to recall just h
ow improbable this is.  I was thinking of it 
recently when we were in Laos for the U.S.-ASEAN me
eting and the East Asia Summit.  And the first 
ASEAN meeting we had, in 2009, I recall there was a
n extensive debate over whether we would even 
shake hands with the Burmese president.  Aung San S
uu Kyi was under house arrest.  And so being in 
Laos and looking over at the Burmese seat and seein
g it occupied by Aung San Suu Kyi in her capacity 
as state counselor I think really speaks to the eno
rmous transformation that has taken place inside of
Myanmar over the course of the last eight years. 
Of course, this process is not complete by any meas
ure, and I’ll speak a little bit about that 
today as well.  But I do think that that perspectiv
e has to bear in our minds as we prepare for what i
s a 
truly historic visit. 
During her time here, Aung San Suu Kyi will be meet
ing with President Obama tomorrow.  
She’ll also be meeting with Vice President Biden at
 his residence, a number of Cabinet members, and 
of course members of Congress who have been critica
l to our Burma policy for many years, as well as 
the business community.  And she’s very interested 
in trying to promote greater investment in Burma. 
You know, I’ll just step back for a moment and put 
in perspective some of the changes that have 
taken place over the last several years.  You know,
 we have to recall that Burma is a country where ou
r 
policy was rooted in promoting democracy and human 
rights for many decades.  And it’s been a shared 
goal of every U.S. administration and the Congress,
 particularly since the crackdown by the Burmese 
military in 1988 and the subsequent refusal to allo
w Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for 
Democracy to take power following elections after t
heir overwhelming victory in 1990. 
And so, over many years, we had robust sanctions in
 place and restrictions on individuals and 
entities in Burma to try to bring about change from
 the military junta.  And for many years, that was 
met with resistance. 
When we took office in 2009, we initiated a review 
of our policy to see if there would be 
openings for engagement to try to move things forwa
rd and try to see if we could get further with 
engagement than purely through a policy of isolatio
n.  Around the same time, the military authorities 
who assumed power in 2011 began an initial process 
of reform, and they demonstrated some degree of 
a commitment to change and they created an opening 
for us to begin to ease our own restrictions.  And 
that led by President Obama announcing in 2011 that
 we would be sending Secretary Clinton to visit 
for the first time, and ultimately also she then an
nounced that we would be sending an ambassador, 
Derek Mitchell, who’s here today, so that we’d begi
n the process of normalizing our diplomatic 
relationship. 
Over the course of the next several years, we began
 to ease our sanctions.  We began to engage 
the government.  There was a sense of things openin
g up, of political prisoners being released, of the
re 
a desire for there to be greater investment and int
erconnectivity with the global economy.  Clearly, t
hat 
was something that had been desired by the Burmese 
people, by the NLD, by Aung San Suu Kyi, but 
also some of the military leadership was clearly in
dicating that they wanted to move in a different 
direction. 
I remember when I visited Burma for the first time 
with President Obama.  You had a sense of 
an overwhelming thirst for this engagement with the
 United States.  We had never really seen crowds 
like that greet a motorcade, even in all the travel
s that President Obama had done around the world.  
You know, I think what was most striking to me is w
hen we came in from the airport, at first there 
were kind of uniformed schoolchildren greeting us a
nd it felt like, you know, a ceremony arranged by 
the government.  But then, when we passed through t
hat phalanx of people, suddenly the crowds 
swelled to the tens of thousands, in a country wher
e gatherings of people in any – in any number had 
previously been restricted.  And so you had a sense
 of a pent-up desire to engage the world and to tak
e 
the future of the country into the hands of the peo
ple. 
The next time I visited, Derek was ambassador, and 
I don’t think he was sleeping very much 
because there was so much to do.  There was such a 
desire for an engagement with the United States, 
and there was also an enormous need for capacity in
 the government, in all of the ministries, in terms
 of 
how to attract investment, in terms of how to gover
n more effectively.  And a lot of the space that we
sought to fill, that I’ll speak about in a moment, 
was building up the capacity for there to be a 
democratic transition.  It’s both an issue of will 
on the part of the government; it’s also an issue o
f 
whether or not we can support the capacity-building
 necessary to ensure a dividend along with 
democracy. 
Now we are at a critical juncture.  A lot of our ef
fort went into ensuring that the election that 
took place last year was credible and inclusive and
 allowed the Burmese people to express their voice.
And ultimately, that is what took place.  And, as i
n 1990, you had an overwhelming victory for the 
NLD, very much because of the leadership of Aung Sa
n Suu Kyi but also because of a desire for 
change in the country.  I think at each juncture th
ere as skepticism.  Would the election go off well?
Would international monitors be able to participate
?  Would there be broad access to the polls across 
the country?  And that was the case.  And then ther
e was, I think, a question about whether or not the
re 
would be a peaceful transition of power, and whethe
r or not the military would respect the result of t
he 
election.  And, indeed, they did, in part because o
f outreach from the NLD, in part because there was 
a 
sincere commitment to a democratic transition from 
President Thein Sein and some of the military 
leadership. 
Again, that’s not to say that the process is by any
 means complete.  But, of course, we had the 
first peaceful transition of power with the inaugur
ation earlier this year of President Htin Kyaw as t
he 
first elected civilian president in more than 50 ye
ars.  And then, of course, Aung San Suu Kyi, as the
leader of the NLD, assumed the position of state co
unselor, and it’s in that capacity that she’s visit
ing 
the United States. 
To put this in perspective, there are now over 100 
former political prisoners serving as 
parliamentarians in the Union Parliament.  We conti
nue to engage not just the leadership and Aung San 
Suu Kyi, but parliamentarians and ministries, so th
at we’re most effective in building the capacity th
at I 
spoke about. 
The new government has released another 63 politica
l prisoners.  They’ve dropped charges 
against almost 200 individuals who were facing conv
iction on political grounds. 
